US Midterms and Other News in China

In the run-up to the midterm elections in the US, New Yorker writer Evan Osnos wrote a piece entitled A Chinese View of the Midterms, in which he states:

But dig into the Chinese view of this election and you'll find that all of this blather has been refracted in some telling ways. Take "The Chinese Professor," the political ad produced for the Citizens Against Government Waste, that depicts a Chinese lecturer, twenty years in the future, cackling over the red-white-and-blue and crowing, "now they work for us." This might seem like prime red meat for China's "angry youth,"—and, indeed, it has attracted its share of predictable comments in that spirit...

While this advertisement has generated some attention, the election overall is not something that weighs heavily on the Chinese mindset.  Apart from producing an interesting video, it is simply an obscure election far away.  However, below I have highlighted some events that have been prominent in China recently.  

-Xi Jinping's ascent to the vice-chairmanship of the influential Central Military Commission, which effectively solidified his bid to be China's next president.  This announcement came with little of the celebration that comes with say, an American election.  The American electoral system, and most open ones for that matter, is one that allows for and encourages outsiders offering dramatic calls for change.  In China, however, as there are no real political outsiders in politics, the aim is continuity and stability.  In addition, given its history with demagogues, China's government is wary of iconic and charismatic leaders, and has a tendency to pick rather unexciting leaders.  As a result, Xi's appointment was met with mostly tacit acknowledgement.

-An explosion in Dong zhi men (east side of Beijing).  Dong zhi men lies on the northeast corner of the 2nd ring road, and is a major transport hub, as well as being in close proximity to numerous high rises, skyscrapers, and to the state-owned PetroChina's imposing headquarters.  One late October afternoon, a loud noise was heard throughout the area.  Reports came filtering in about a possible explosion in the subway, or in nearby buildings.  Other reported witnessing neither smoke nor fire.  Right as these reports started to emerge, they were quickly shut down. Now, news reports have stopped and searches for "Dong zhi men explosion" among Baidu forums are blocked.  Whether this is an instance of a broken pipe, a bomb or possibly one of the few but growing instances of gun violence is unclear, but without a doubt the reaction is one of a government concerned with the image and stigma of violent unrest.   

-Tensions in the Sino-Japanese relations. The imprisonment of a Chinese fishing boat captain on the Diaoyu Islands, or Senkaku Islands, depending on  your politics, led to the resurfacing of long standing tensions over the territorial ownership of small islands in the East China Sea.  Aside from sparking diplomatic tensions, this event has caused protests in both countries, and, without a doubt, hurt the feelings of the Chinese people.  

September

September is a unique time in Beijing.  For one, it is a break.  It is a break from the humid and smoggy weather that hangs over Beijing summers, and stands right before the city delves into its long, dry winter.  It is when residents close their eyes on a warm cloudless day, sighing, wishing that every day could be like this one.  In the expatriate community, there is a massive shuffle of people.  Students leave their summers abroad and internships and return to their campuses an ocean away.  Scholarships and fellowships run dry as summer days fade and autumn beckons.  The season also eats away at the sojourning community of long-term expatriates as well, with some moving on to different cities, different careers or to further their studies.  With this change comes new groups, new individuals coming into the imperial capital for the first time for new opportunities.  

However, as much as it is a time of change, it is also a time of constancy.  Weathered residents have grown accustomed to the summer cycle of going away parties and welcomes.  For locals, it is a time long anticipated.  The summer misery of packing into sweaty and crowded subways will ease in the coming months, and couples will take advantage of their last opportunities for quiet walks into the night.  It also brings the National Holiday in the beginning of October, which, along with the sentiments of national pride, also come with its own unpleasantries.  Time off is mandated by the government, but so is the need to compensate for it by working weekends later on.  Traffic control is tightened, and major roads cannot be crossed at certain times.  It is also a time when the government is more conscious about dissent, reminding us here that behind the facade of change and reform, some things move much slower than others in China.  

Watching the World Cup in China

Watching the World Cup in China has been interesting on a few levels: 

The time difference puts the entire country on a disrupted sleep schedule.  For the final match we (and everyone else in this time zone for that matter) stayed up until 5am on a Monday morning to finish watching the game as it extended into overtime.  The following workday will undoubtedly be filled with hangovers, aspirins, and large mugs of coffee.  

I happened to camp out at the Spanish team's supporters' (a group composed of a large number of Spanish students in Beijing) selected venue.  Different teams' supporters rarely mingle at the same bars, and this experience revealed both the popularity of the Dutch team in China as well as the Dutch presence in Beijing.  As we all crawled out of our respective bars into the morning light, I found myself amidst a small island of red surrounded by a sea of lanky, lumbering fans dressed in orange.  In addition, many of the Chinese I have met are supporters of Holland.  As if to compensate for their numbers, the Spanish were tireless- drinking, dancing, cheering and shouting endlessly at the screen for hours.  

The biggest critic of Chinese soccer/football has been the Chinese people.  Anywhere from TV, radio, in the fanciest bars and in the dirtiest alleys, Chinese have been merciless in attacking their nation's team and it's inability to qualify for the World Cup.  I recall watching another Dutch game in the hutongs (alleyways) of Yonghegong, when an older Chinese man, shirtless to cope with the summer heat and slightly inebriated from the strong bottle of Chinese liqueur in his hand, said to me that God had cried in heaven because the Chinese team had failed to qualify.  Others have been harsher, decrying the widespread corruption that plagues the China Football Association.  

The Peking Duck recently discussed this question referring to the New York Times' discussion of the topic, which makes for interesting reading.  Is it an institutional problem, in which the infrastructure for recruiting and training talent needs to be overhauled?  Or is it simply a matter of corruption?  A billion people sure would love to know the answer.

Social Activism and Protest

A few weeks ago marked the twenty first year since the Tiananmen protests.  There is an abundance of writing on the topic, so I will only offer a few thoughts on the issue.

Like with the Cultural Revolution, one's experience in eighty nine differs vastly based on one's age.  (As expressed in this book, students' experiences during the Cultural Revolution could be very different based on their age, especially when comparing experiences before and after the abuse of sent down youths were exposed).

Those younger than their peers in university, those in elementary, middle and high school, now have a very different recollection about that time in history.  Some I have met remember it with a childish joy as school was cancelled and they followed their older classmates into the streets.  Others remember parents taking them out to visit the strange Woodstock-esque sight of posters, statues, and college students camped outside.  Many, of course, did not stay as long as the university students, nor did they participate in hunger strikes.  They were also not the target of the troops or government, and as a result seemed to have relished in their youthful actions.  

Whereas with those who were university students then, there is not only a sense of loss but one of growing irrelevance.  This was made evident when last year, during the 20th anniversary, Wuerkaixi was quoted in a statement arguing that it is the protesters who are to be credited for the economic reforms and prosperity of the 90s and 2000s.

Similarly, May Fourth marks a day of activism in both the United States and in China.  On May Fourth 1919, students all over China protested the Japanese occupation of Shandong province and the government's inaction to reclaim it.  Similarly, on May Fourth 1970 in Kent State University, American university students protested the bombing of Cambodia during the Vietnam War.  

China's current politicians are not threatened directly by reviving the memory of May Fourth, but still they are very cautious about celebrating it.  Students protesting government action perceived as relinquishing to foreign powers is a controversial memory to invoke (especially given the government's recent public decision to reform China's currency).  

Although the politics of America are much different, it can be observed that there has certainly not been a strong effort to memorialize the movement by American government officials at the time when America is entangled in an anti-insurgency war often compared to Vietnam. 

What Should Obama Have Checked?

Last week, the Washington Post published a column by Elizabeth Chang entitled Why Obama Should Not Have Checked 'Black' on His Consensus Form.  In it, she expresses her disappointment that Obama checked his racial identity as African American instead of indicating his biracial background of a white mother and a black father.  

She opposes the move first of all because it is misleading.  The president is biracial and has previously acknowledged and even celebrated his multiracial makeup.  Second of all, it sets a precedent that individuals of mixed racial backgrounds should conform to a certain racial identity to appeal to a given group, be it a social clique or a political constituency.  

From the article:

Despite being raised by a white mother and white grandparents, despite have spent most of his childhood in the rainbow state of Hawaii, despite clearly being comfortable in almost any type of crowd (though I suppose Tea Partyers might give him pause), the president apparently considers himself only black. "I self-identify as an African American. That's how I am treated and that's how I am viewed. And I'm proud of it," he has said. But he also argued in his famous speech about race that he could no more disown the Reverend Jeremiah Wright "than I can my white grandmother." With his census choice, he has done precisely that.

I have mixed reactions to her opinion.  

From one perspective, I agree with her.  As I wrote previously, the option to select multiple races is a major victory for biracial individuals.  

People like President Obama are now able to check the boxes that more accurately reflect their bi- or multi-racial backgrounds.  Why voluntarily give up this right and conform to social pressures?  I would assume all individuals would like to accurately have their identities recorded.  (As Chang also points out, aren't people supposed to fill out the census accurately?)

I also agree with her second point.  Mixed bloods are often put under various pressures to be pigeonholed into one race or another, either be they from family, friends or society at large.  Having someone as high profile as Obama declaring his mixed ethnic background would inspire countless individuals with similar stories to follow his lead.  

However, I also disagree with her.  I have personally met numerous people from multiracial backgrounds who take pride in the fact that they can assume multiple identities.  There is a small comfort in being a foreigner in a foreign land while still being able to camouflage oneself as a local.  Personally, I have been often mistaken as Italian, Latin American, Native American and Turkish etc.  With the risk of being tricked, swindled, or simply to avoid awkward stares, it is sometimes to our convenience not to deny ourselves the occasional mistaken identity.  

In addition, I have also consciously used my ambiguous ethnic background to my advantage.  In the event that it suits my needs to use my background to develop a relationship, I intentionally stir up the emotions of pan-Chinese nationalism.  Conversely, it also helps to seem like an average American and I can do that as well.  Obviously, a certain degree of language ability is necessary to successfully accomplish either, but the point still stands: the ability for mixed bloods to blend in is not only an issue of convenience, but also something from which one can benefit, just as others might benefit from an alumni or personal connection.   

I have read Obama's Dreams from My Father, and can relate to his internal struggle of coping with a clear biracial background while being seen only as black.  However, I can also understand his use of racial identity to achieve a goal, even a political one.  

An Innovator's Suggestion for Elderly Care in China

I helped to draft another guest post featured in the Asian Healthcare Blog, accessible here.  It discusses the issues surrounding elderly day care centers in China.  These are a form of care for elderly citizens which are typically located in densely populated residential areas and are intended to provide a center for seniors to have their health monitored while they engage other seniors in a variety of social, as well as physically and mentally challenging activities. However, the truth presents a much more mixed picture.  At worst, some simply become majiang halls, while the better managed only cater to the segment of the population that needs its services the least. 

The post was also inspired in part by the recent book, The Innovator's Prescription, which discusses the need to identify the latent demand in the healthcare market.  I have reproduced the concluding paragraph below:

The difficulties encountered by elderly care centers reflect a discomforting reality in China's elderly care industry. From policy formation, service design, implementation to quality control, there are still too many areas of weakness that need to be addressed. Potentially, the publication The Innovator's Prescription could give us some inspiration to find a solution here. The book draws a parallel between the healthcare industry and personal computers. In the dawn of the technological revolution, the true visionaries did not simply target the existing market for large computers manufactured for research purposes, but recognized consumers' latent demand for personal computers (see the author's conceptual model). Similarly in elderly care centers, the real opportunity might lie in the group that is currently not using elderly day care services (non-consumers) who are a much larger group than current users (consumers), and in addition are a group with much simpler demands to satisfy. To begin with, a simple solution would be to create day care services tailored to the most urgent nursing care needs of seniors with willingness-to-pay rather than the wishful thinking of making self-sustainable activity centers.

Passive Voice and its Political Connotations

Again I reference the writing of the Language Log, which published some time back a piece entitled "Suicided: the Adversative Passive Form as a Form of Active Resistance."  In short, the piece explores a popular usage of the passive indicator bei in Chinese.  Traditionally, the word is placed after the subject and before the verb in a sentence to indicate that the passive voice.  The Log offers this example: tā bèi quántǐ dǎngyuán píngxǔan wéi zhǔxí "He was elected by all of the party members as chairman."  

This grammatical marker, which usually bores students to sleep in Chinese 101, also has several controversial political uses.  For example: 

bei + employment = employmented: mocks the way organizations (i.e. government, universities, etc.) manipulate statistics to make it appear that more graduates have jobs than the actual amount

bei + harmonize = harmonized: this is in direct reference to the state's social program of a Harmonious Society, meaning that something was censored due to controversial material 

(Often in comic jest, the word for harmonize is replaced for its homonym, river crabs.)

bei + suicide = suicided: to be beaten do death, and have the authorities make it look like suicide

These examples are mentioned in the Language Log's explanation and are the ones I see used most often.

This linguistic phenomenon has already been fully explored by those with much greater qualifications to do so than I.  In fact, I would like to draw a parallel to something I found on Renren.com (also known as China's Facebook) some time back.  It is a partial list of public figures who committed suicide during the Cultural Revolution.  It is a sobering list of 150 people who suffered brutal treatment and immense suffering in the time leading up to their passing.  Below, I have translated a few:

Deng Shi, People's Daily Chief Editor, 1966.5.17, poisoned to death

Wu Han, Vice Mayer of Beijing, historian, 1968.10.11 committed suicide in prison, had his hair torn out before he died

Wen Jie, Famous poet, 1971.1.13 used coal gas to commit suicide

Chen Xiaoyu, Art critic, 1966.8.24 after being paraded, jumped into Beijing's Longtan river

Yang Ni, Writer in San Wen style, 1968.8.3 ingested sleeping pills and died

The list, of course, goes on, and real number of deaths is not limited to the one circulated on this widely used social media site.  The reasons I pair the two articles together are below:

1. There is reason to believe that not all suicides were voluntary.  This topic is best pursued by a historian, but it is interesting to note that the concept of 'suicided' does indeed have a specific historical precedent in China.

2. One comment reads: I bet this is going to be river crabbed (bei he xie).  Interestingly, some weeks after this user left this comment, the post in its entirety still exists online.  The authorities certainly has a reputation for river crabbing information not in its favor.   Discussions of the Cultural Revolution, however, are becoming less and less controversial (as long as it is not used as a platform to denounce the Party).  One argument is that those in power at the time are deceased.  The current leadership has little to lose politically by allowing that previous policies were flawed.  One might also claim that this generation grew up during that time, and witnessed the chaos and violence, as well as the impact it had on China, and by allowing some discussion of the Cultural Revolution, hope to educate those who cannot remember it or never lived through it.  It also serves to symbolize the importance of current leadership's policies and of a relatively progressive path.